Paul, Panyaza, and the Emergence of the Alex Mafia

From Heroes to Hierarchs: How Mashatile and Lesufi Leverage Their Past for Political Gain.

In South Africa's ever-evolving political landscape, two figures have surged to the forefront: Paul Mashatile, the Deputy President, and Panyaza Lesufi, Premier of Gauteng. Both men, veterans of the ANC’s liberation struggle, have long capitalised on their anti-apartheid credentials to bolster their political standing. Yet, beneath their celebrated revolutionary pasts lies a legacy riddled with controversy and questionable governance. 

Paul Mashatile: A History of Questionable Leadership

Mashatile’s political career, while rooted in the anti-apartheid struggle, has been significantly tainted by corruption allegations that have persisted throughout his time in government. While he initially rose to prominence through his activism in the 1980s and 1990s as part of the ANC’s fight for democracy, his post-apartheid trajectory is riddled with accusations of mismanagement, self-enrichment, and a deep entrenchment in the patronage networks that plague the South African political system.

One of the most notable examples of corruption during Mashatile’s tenure is the Alexandra Renewal Project (ARP). Launched in 2001, the ARP was intended to redevelop Alexandra Township and uplift its residents, with billions of Rands allocated to this ambitious effort. However, under Mashatile’s leadership as Gauteng’s MEC for Housing, much of the project’s funding disappeared with little to no visible improvements in the township. The ARP became synonymous with failure, with allegations of embezzlement and misappropriation of funds overshadowing the initiative. To this day, Mashatile has denied any involvement in the financial irregularities, but the lack of transparency and accountability in the ARP has cast a long shadow over his political career, raising significant questions about his integrity.

Mashatile’s influence extends far beyond the ARP. His rise within the ANC has been marked by the creation of a network of politically connected allies, many of whom hail from Alexandra Township and are referred to as the Alex Mafia. These individuals, many of them comrades from his anti-apartheid days, have been beneficiaries of lucrative government contracts and political appointments. Under Mashatile's watch, this patronage network has thrived, ensuring that key government positions and tenders are awarded to those loyal to him rather than those most qualified for the job. His tenure in various government roles has been criticised for turning the ideals of public service into opportunities for self-enrichment and cronyism, undermining efforts to root out corruption in the ANC.

Panyaza Lesufi: Leading Gauteng into Decline

While Mashatile's record is problematic, Gauteng Premier Panyaza Lesufi’s governance has been equally disastrous, if not worse. As the leader of South Africa’s most populous and economically important province, Lesufi has overseen a sharp decline in the province’s infrastructure, public services, and overall stability. Gauteng, once hailed as the country’s economic engine, is now a symbol of political mismanagement and systemic corruption.

The state of healthcare in Gauteng offers a sobering example of Lesufi’s failures. In 2023, former Health Ombudsman Professor Malegapuru Makgoba declared the province’s public healthcare system to be "in shambles." Hospitals like Rahima Moosa and Charlotte Maxeke have become synonymous with crumbling infrastructure, chronic staff shortages, and substandard care. Patients at Rahima Moosa, have been forced to endure overcrowded conditions and a lack of basic medical equipment. Charlotte Maxeke, partially destroyed by a fire in 2021, today remains unrepaired, leaving thousands of vulnerable patients without access to adequate healthcare. 

Lesufi’s failures extend beyond healthcare. As MEC for Education, his tenure was marked by wasteful expenditure, most notably the R431 million spent on unnecessary deep cleaning of schools during the COVID-19 pandemic — a programme that benefited companies rather than addressing any genuine public health concerns. Moreover, his attempts to convert Afrikaans-medium schools to English-medium sparked fierce backlash, yet during his time as MEC he did little to address the structural inequalities in Gauteng’s education system.

Since becoming Premier, Lesufi’s missteps have only multiplied. His misguided approach to tackling crime in Gauteng — the deployment of 6,000 poorly trained "crime wardens" — has raised concerns about the militarisation of law enforcement. These wardens, armed with firearms despite not having the relevant qualifications, represent a dangerous escalation in Lesufi’s ineffective response to Gauteng’s skyrocketing crime rates. Rather than addressing the root causes of violence, his heavy-handed tactics have done little to curb crime in a province where the murder rate continues to rise alarmingly.

Populism as a Deflection Tool

What connects Mashatile and Lesufi is their skilful use of populism to mask their failures. By repeatedly reminding the public of their roles in the struggle, they cultivate a narrative of victimhood, casting themselves as champions of the poor and marginalised. This strategy not only diverts attention from their leadership deficiencies but also frames any scrutiny as an assault on their identities as black men in positions of power. They position themselves as victims of political forces attempting to undermine their efforts to uplift the disadvantaged. This narrative resonates with many South Africans who recall the injustices of apartheid, allowing them to deflect accusations of corruption and mismanagement by portraying these criticisms as part of a broader campaign against them by establishment interests.

In a nation still grappling with the deep scars of apartheid, this strategy proves effective. Many South Africans, especially those who endured the brutality of the regime, find resonance in the stories of leaders like Mashatile and Lesufi. Their rhetoric taps into the collective trauma of the country, allowing them to divert attention from their incompetence and mismanagement under the guise of fighting for the same people they once defended.

But this is a precarious game. Mashatile and Lesufi are no longer the underdogs battling an oppressive system—they are now key figures within the very establishment they once fought. Their use of populism to cling to power cannot erase the realities of their governance. The true casualties of their failures are the millions of South Africans still mired in poverty, stuck in a dysfunctional healthcare system, unable to access quality education and suffering under escalating crime rates.

The Urgency of Accountability

While Mashatile and Lesufi’s histories as liberation fighters may resonate with many voters, it is their actions in governance—or the glaring absence of effective leadership—that truly demand attention. South Africa can no longer afford to be led by those who use their past struggles as a smokescreen for their current governance failures. Both Mashatile and Lesufi must be held accountable for the deteriorating state of governance under their leadership, and the country must move beyond the politics of victimhood if it is to carve out a better future.

Apartheid was a brutal chapter in South Africa's history, and the contributions of leaders like Mashatile and Lesufi in the fight for democracy are undeniably valuable. However, as the nation looks to the future, it cannot allow itself to fall prey to populist tactics that distract from accountability and effective governance.

It is time for South Africans to demand more, to hold its leaders to a higher standard, and to ensure that their actions reflect the true promise of democracy.